Научный архив: статьи

Denmark is one of the most attractive European countries for immigrants due to its high level of socio-economic and political development. However, an increase in the migration burden has led to a tightening of the country’s migration legislation, aimed primarily at limiting the flow of migrants from non-Western countries, preventing segregation, and ensuring the successful integration of migrants into the host society. This study aims to analyse the distribution of immigrants and their descendants in Denmark, focusing on migrants from African countries (Somalia, Morocco, Egypt, Ghana, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Eritrea) between 2010 and 2023. The authors examine legislative changes in Danish migration policy and analyse data from the Danish Statistical Office regarding migration trends and the geographic distribution of both the native population and individuals of foreign origin across second-level administrative units (communes). The research methodology employs the Herfindahl–Hirschman index to assess the degree of territorial concentration of people of African descent, alongside the Ryabtsev index to measure the similarity between the settlement patterns of migrants and their descendants from Africa and those of Denmark’s indigenous population. The results indicate a decrease in the territorial concentration of the African population in Denmark, as well as a convergence between the settlement patterns of African migrants and Danish-origin residents. However, the intensity of these processes varies significantly based on immigrants’ status, duration of residence in Denmark, and the size of specific African diasporas. Despite the observed deconcentration and increased settlement integration, the African population, particularly individuals of Somali and Moroccan descent, continues to exhibit high levels of territorial exclusion and segregation. Their settlement patterns are often concentrated in ‘vulnerable residential areas’, which still reflect significant socio- spatial disparities

It is shown that the secular displacement of the Earth center of mass (drift), observed by space geodesy methods, and the deformation of the Earth surface make the most significant contributions to the secular changes in gravity on the Earth surface, which are recorded using absolute and superconducting gravimeters. The simplest estimates of the secular variation in gravity at a given station can be made directly from the secular variation in the station altitude determined by GPS satellite data. These data determine the trend of the station directly with respect to the drifting center of the Earth mass. However, they do not allow estimating the contributions of the above effects: the drift of the center of mass and the change in station height due to deformation but actually determine their difference. The performed analysis made it possible to estimate the contribution of the drift of the Earth center of mass in the variations of gravity at a given gravimetric station, as well as the contribution of the Earth surface deformation and the corresponding change of the station height. For 8 known and leading gravimetric stations, the indicated components of gravity variations were calculated. It was shown that these two factors are the main ones, and their sum mainly explains the observed gravity variations at a number of well-known gravimetric stations: New Alesund (Norway), Seva (Antarctica), Churchill (Canada), Wuhan (China), Medicina (Italy), Bologna (Italy), Membach (Belgium) and Metsahovi (Finland).

The paper analyzes the function of the prefix inter-, which allows to reduce the 15 main senses (described in the OLD) to the basic two. The sense of the prefix depends on the situation described with the compound: a) the situation of dividing space: ‘a border between two or more points disconnecting them’ (inter hostes flumen erat). Most of the verbs in this group are transitive and accompanied by a countable object: intercalare ‘to insert a day or month into the calendar’; interloqui ‘to interrupt, to speak between’. b) the situation of connected space: ‘all the space (or time) between two points connecting them within the same situation’ (inter arma tacent musae). The majority of these verbs are transitive and are used with an uncountable object: interbibere ‘to drink dry, drain’; interlegere ‘to pick off here and there, to thin’. Some verbs can have either sense depending on the context (interesse: a. ‘to lie between, intervene’ modo inter me atque te murus intersit (Cic. Cat. 1. 10.), b. ‘to be in the company of, to take part’ legit scripta de se carmina, legit historias, et posteritati suae interfuit (Plin. Ep. 2.1.2). On the basis of this classification principle four verbs are analyzed in which the meaning of the prefix inter- is unclear: interire, interficere, interimere, intellegere. Three of them have the prefix inter- in the sense of division and form pairs of compounds (an intransitive verb of state interire — a verb of action interimere, interficere). The verb intellegere has two senses as different stages of its semantic development: 1. ‘to choose between’, ‘to notice, discern’ and 2. ‘to collect together (all the parts)’ > ‘to grasp, understand (the whole picture of an object or a situation)’.

Опубликованный С. И. Писаревым в 1771 г. перевод трактата ПлутархаDe liberis educandis (Περὶ παίδων ἀγωγῆς) неожиданно оказывается первым русским переводом Плутарха с языка оригинала («еллиногреческого»). Статья посвящена некоторым особенностям этого перевода, а главным образом, — выявлению его источника, то есть того базового издания, которым пользовался Писарев в своей переводческой работе (контаминация, конечно, не исключается). При этом поиске автор прежде всего уделяет внимание маркированию поэтических цитат. Встроенные в текст трактата цитаты в переводе Писарева выделены курсивом, частью — вместе с последующим авторским текстом Плутарха, который, очевидно, воспринимается переводчиком как продолжение цитаты. В латинских переводах, которые сопровождают греческий текст в доступных Писареву двуязычных греко-латинских изданиях цитаты даются с отступом и выделяются курсивом. Переводчик мог пользоваться одним из таких изданий. С другой стороны, указанного критерия недостаточно, поскольку единообразие оформления цитат отсутствует в изданиях трактата отдельными книгами. Поэтому для более уверенного опознания источника автор сравнивает текст перевода с греческим текстом нескольких изданий XVI–XVIII вв. Анализ разночтений последовательно исключает все издания, кроме двух, выбор между которыми затрудняется тем обстоятельством, что отличие между ними сводится к порядку слов в цитате. Тем не менее анализ порядка слов в переводах поэтических цитат у Писарева позволяет предположить, что его источником послужило франкфуртское издание 1599 г., переизданное в 1620 г. и затем в Париже в 1624 г

In the article which serves as a sequel to an earlier one the author argues that Draco’s constitution (DC) in Arist. AP 4 does not derive from an oligarchic political pamphlet in which it served as a prototype of a constitution to be implemented in Athens as the majority of scholars believe. The preponderance of scholars believe, relying on the alleged similarity of DC to the project of the ‘Constitution of Five Thousands’ (AP 30) in 411 BC, that DC emerged in the same ‘moderate’ oligarchic circles as a project of the same kind. Others propose later dates for its appearance but almost unanimously ascribe to oligarchic moderates who pleaded for a ‘hoplite constitution.’ The author argues contra that although DC is not reliable as a historical document, it differs considerably from the known political projects of oligarchs. Its distinguishing features make it anachronistic for conditions of 5th–4th centuries BC, but they are much more at home in the last decades of 7th BC. It is likely that Aristotle found this fictional account in one of the historical sources he used in the AP in which it was fabricated to fill a gap in the lacunose history of the early Athenian constitution and it may have been meant to diminish tendentiously Solon’s contribution, representing the latter as modifying the already existing state order

Im Folgenden werden die Satzlehre-Bände der „Ausführlichen Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache“ von Raphael Kühner, die 1878/79 zuerst erschien und in ihrer Bearbeitung durch Carl Stegmann 1914 bis heute eine verbreitete Lateingrammatik ist, mit der neu erschienenen „Oxford Latin Syntax“ von Harm Pinkster in der Konzeption verglichen. Zwischen beiden Satzlehren aus sehr unterschiedlichen Zeiten und sprachwissenschaftlichen Kontexten gibt es natürlich deutliche Unterschiede: zunächst die andere Gesamtkonzeption, ferner die Art des Korpus, den Satzbegriff, die Stellung der Kasussyntax, nicht zuletzt die Behandlung infiniter Konstruktionen und schließlich den Geltungsbereich der Syntax. Von diesen Unterschieden abgesehen finden sich aber auch einige Gemeinsamkeiten: zunächst eine korpusbasierte Form, wonach beide Satzlehren ihre Ausführungen auf zahlreiche sprachliche Belege stützen. Zweitens steht die Einzelsprache des Lateinischen im Vordergrund und es bleibt wenig Raum für sprachliche Vergleiche. Drittens sind beide Satzlehren rein deskriptiv, was im Falle des Kühner-Stegmanns das Gegenteil zu normativ, im Falle der OLS aber zu formallinguistisch oder theorielastig bedeutet im Sinne formaler Ansätze der neueren Linguistik, womit etwa die verschiedenen Movement-Regeln der generativen Theorie gemeint sind. Ein wichtiges Ergebnis lautet, dass beide syntaktischen Ansätze legitim sind und beide mit wachem Methodenbewusstsein weiter gebraucht werden sollten, um Probleme der lateinischen Syntax zu lösen

The article examines an unpublished inscription conserved in the Nerantzia Castle of Kos (Greece). It consists of four elegiac couplets that Coan scholar Stamatios K. Pantelidis (Παντελίδης) composed some time before 1879. It was supposed to be located in the facade of the school founded the year indicated in the inscription. Seemingly, after the earthquake which devastated Kos in the year 1933, it was relocated in the warehouse of the Nerantzia Castle in northern Kos along with many other inscriptions. On the one hand, it provides the possibility of knowing how stonegravers work, to what extent Greeks knew their very own language in its ancient form and the way they dealt when it came to use (then and now) unusual forms of the language. On the other hand, the inscription is relevant to the cultural history of Greece in the last years of Ottoman rule and in the years after it, as Kos was part of the Ottoman Empire until 1912, date in which it passed under Italian rule until 1947, when the isle was incorporated into the Hellenic Republic. Therefore the purpose is to clarify the historical and real circumstances of the inscription, as well as to analyze the compositional process of this dedicatory epigram from the metrical point of view (it contains many deviations from to the classical precepts), style and classical tradition. The inscription has not been previously studied due to its peculiar characteristics. Indeed, it is an epigram written in modern times but in an archaizing Greek (i. e. roughly respecting the rules of classical grammar), so it is not studied by neohellenists given the ancient character of its language, nor by classicists because it was composed in recent times

The article deals with a passage from the prologue of Aristophanes’ Acharnians, vv. 30–31. Close reading of the passage and analyzing each verb of the series in vv. 30–31 shows that the entire series of verbs in Acharnians 30–31 describes Dikaiopolis’ suffering and constitutes the culmination of the woes listed in his monologue. This last and greatest of his woes cannot be mere annoyance at having come first to the Pnyx and not knowing how to kill time. στένω must mean a lament tragic in tone, and κέχηνα intensifies this vocal lament though adding a comic bathos. σκορδινῶμαι does not refer here to drowsy stretching as it is usually interpreted by scholars but to convulsions of rage and despair. πέρδομαι indicates acuteness and intensity of Dikaiopolis’ disappointment; the relationship between σκορδινῶμαι and πέρδομαι is similar to that between στένω and κέχηνα, where the second verb emphasizes and marks the culmination of the first (“I’m moaning so much that my mouth is open wide” and “I’m convulsed to the point of farting”). παρατίλλομαι must mean “to tear out the hair on one’s head”, a gesture that is obviously a sign of sorrow and despair. The verbs γράφω and λογίζομαι describe Dikaiopolis writing out and assessing his debts sitting in the assembly place. The lines that follow are tightly connected to 30–31 and explain the reason for the protagonist’s despair: Dikaiopolis dreams of the countryside and hates the city, but due to the war cannot return to the country (32–33); his hatred of the city is further explained by the enormous expenses city life entails.

Der Aufsatz beschäftigt sich mit drei Passagen aus Asconius’ Kommentar zu den Reden Ciceros. Im ersten der behandelten Fragmente berichtet Asconius, dass Ciceros Tochter Tullia im Wochenbett im Haus ihres Ehemannes P. Lentulus verstorben sei. Diese Darstellung steht im Gegensatz zur in der Forschung fast allgemein akzeptierten, wenngleich auf indirekte Quellenzeugnisse gestützten, Meinung, dass Tullia auf Ciceros tuskulanischer Villa verschieden sei, nachdem sie einen Sohn im Haus ihres Vaters in Rom geboren habe. Asconius’ Zeugnis wird der Nachricht Plutarchs (Cic. 41, 7–8) gegenübergestellt, in der die gleiche Version überliefert ist. Der Verfasser gelangt zur Schlussfolgerung, dass der Darstellung der beiden Autoren eine gemeinsame Quelle zugrunde liegt, nämlich die von Tiro verfasste Biographie Ciceros, in der nur der Geburtsort des Kindes Tullias, aber nicht der Todesort seiner Mutter angegeben wurde. Gestützt auf diese Information, kamen Asconius und Plutarch unabhängig voneinander zum folgerichtigen, aber irrtümlichen Schluss, dass Tullia im Haus ihres ehemaligen Ehemannes verstorben sei. In der zweiten Passage erwähnt Asconius, dass M. Licinius Crassus im Richterkollegium im Majestätsprozess des C. Cornelius im Jahre 65 saß. Im selben Jahre bekleidete Crassus die Zensur. Allerdings waren die amtierenden Magistrate von den Geschworenen ausgeschlossen. Da der Corneliusprozess in den späten Frühling oder die erste Hälfte des Sommers datiert werden kann, ist zu vermuten, dass Crassus zu diesem Zeitpunkt das Amt aufgab. Im dritten Teil des Aufsatzes wird Asconius’ Bericht über den Mord an Lucretius Afella untersucht. Nach Asconius wurde Afella von einem gewissen L. Bellienus ermordet, während Plutarch berichtet, dass Afella von einem der Zenturionen Sullas erschlagen worden sei. Der Verfasser kommt zum Schluss, dass diese zwei Menschen identisch sind, obwohl ihre mögliche Identität in der Forschung üblicherweise in Zweifel gezogen wird

Im folgenden Beitrag sollen Ciceros Nachrichten zu den römischen Schülern des griechischen Philosophen Panaitios (2. Jh. v. Chr.) mit Philodems Tradition, die uns durch seine Stoicorum Historia zugänglich ist, verglichen werden. Während Cicero in mehreren Zeugnissen prominente römische Politiker des zweiten Jhs. v. Chr. — unter anderem P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus — mit Panaitios in Verbindung bringt, bezeugt Philodem lediglich das Studium der beiden Samniten Marcius sowie Nysius und des Römers Piso — alle drei waren politisch wohl unbedeutend — bei Panaitios. Dies lässt sich durch die unterschiedlichen Zielgruppen der beiden Autoren erklären: Ciceros Leser waren in erster Linie die römischen nobiles, die sich (gelegentlich) mit der Philosophie beschäftigten, Philodem wiederum wendete sich an die Angehörigen eines Griechisch lesenden Fachpublikums. Die Tatsache, dass sich die, Listen‘ der Schüler bei den beiden Autoren nicht decken, ist somit kein Grund, ihre Historizität abzustreiten. Angemessener scheint es, neben den von Cicero genannten Politikern, die mit Panaitios befreundet waren, die Existenz italischer und römischer (Berufs-)Philosophen zu akzeptieren.

In Roman literature the negative image of a stepmother exists at least from the Late Republican times onwards. The Roman authors underline the cruelty of stepmothers and their mistreatment of stepchildren. Sometimes the amorous stepmother wants to seduce her adult stepson and, after the latter repudiates her love, begins to victimize him. In Latin declamations the noverca is often presented as a venefica who, motivated mainly by quarrels over inheritance, aims to poison her stepson (or sometimes husband; in this case she tries then to shift the blame onto the stepson). Cicero, when in 66 B. C. he defended in the court a Roman knight A. Cluentius Habitus, exploits these negative stereotypes extensively. One of the main characters in his speech Pro Cluentio is the mother of his client, Sassia, who, according to Cicero, is the true soul of the accusation against Cluentius. Cicero presents Sassia not as a mother, but as a saeva noverca who hates her own son and wants to destroy him. The skilful use of these (and some other) stereotypes, which were undoubtedly shared by a large part of Cicero’s audience, as well as corresponding literary topoi probably contributed significantly to the success of Cicero’s defence.