Научный архив: статьи

Хаос занимает центральное место в системе поэтических образов Ф. И. Тютчева, однако до сих пор слабо отрефлексировано его соотношение с онтологической категорией свободы, концептуализация которой происходит в русской философии, представленной в данном исследовании традицией софиологии и персонализма. Обращение к философским системам В. С. Соловьева, С. Л. Франка и С. Н. Булгакова обосновано спецификой прочтения и интерпретации ими тютчевского наследия и схожестью в трактовке концепции хаоса как субстанциального начала реальности. Проанализированы результаты современных отечественных и зарубежных философских исследований концепций хаоса в их связи с поэзией, мистикой и творчеством русских религиозных мыслителей. Утверждается, что наиболее продуктивным для осмысления мистического аспекта хаотического начала может стать сопоставление его репрезентаций в лирике Тютчева и онтологической гносеологии Н. А. Бердяева. Предложена трактовка понятия свободы как ключевой характеристики порождающего начала хаоса, лежащего в основе персоналистического бытия. Выявлены связи категорий хаоса, свободы и личности с концепцией Ungrund, обозначены линии расхождения в понимании природы Божества, космической иерархии, личностной реальности, пути Эроса и Танатоса у Бердяева и Тютчева. Дан обзор основных аспектов философии свободы Бердяева и его метода интерпретации мистического начала, причинности и субстанции в качестве инструментария для дискурсивного анализа философской поэзии Тютчева. Делается вывод, что корреляция свободы и хаоса как концепций софиологического и персоналистического учения осуществляется в русской философии через мистическое понимание творческого первоначала, вдохновением и интуитивным стимулом которого выступает поэзия Тютчева.

Исследуется линейный вольтерров интегро–дифференциальный оператор, который представляет собой одномерный волновой линейный дифференциальный оператор с частными производными, возмущенный интегральным оператором вольтеровой свертки. Функция ядра интегрального оператора представляет собой сумму дробно–экспоненциальных функций (функций Работнова) с положительными коэффициентами. Устанавливается, что носитель фундаментального решения исследуемого интегро–дифференциального оператора локализован в конусе распространения соответствующего одномерного волнового дифференциального оператора. Соответствующее вольтеррово интегро–дифференциальное уравнение описывает колебания одномерного вязкоупргугого стержня, процесс распространения тепла в средах с памятью (уравнение Гуртина — Пипкина) и имеет ряд других важных приложений

In this article, the authors propose the study revealed that we need to search for the biographies and books of the remaining Mongolian lama. Luvsanjambaa is one of the Mongolian lamas (monks) who wrote many books and works in the Tibetan language and a disciple of the Dalai Günii Khüree, who lived from the last half of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th century. The contents of his books indicate that Luvsanjambaa is a person who has the talent to write books and the ability to teach. He wrote his books for the Mongolian VIII Bogd Agvaan Luvsan Choijinnyam Danzin Vanchüg, Bigchüsumadi, Lama Luvsan Chimed Dorj, Namjal Sodnom Vanchüg, Dagva Luvsan, Tsorj lama Luvsan Tseveen Ravdan of the Western Monastery (Shangkh Monastery was located in Kharkhorin soum area of Ӧverkhangai province of present-day Mongolia) and respecting them as teachers. Among the books and works of these high lamas, the books of the VIII Bogd Agvaan Luvsan Choijinnyam Danzin Vanchüg, lama Luvsan Chimed Dorj and Namjal Sodnom Vanchüg, and the Tsorj lama Luvsan Tseveen Ravdan of the Western Monastery have now entered the circulation of current academic research. Also, it is clear that Luvsanjamba’s books written in the Tibetan language are valuable materials for the history of Mongolian religion, the study of religious rituals, and the study of Mongolian historical literature written in Tibetan.

The article presents a brief history of the development of ideas in the category of “complexity”. Modern interpretations of the term in various sciences are shown. The system approach to complexity understanding is stated most fully.

Plutarch cited Simonides’ elegy with toponyms Corinth and Ephyra as proof that Corinthians had participated directly in the battle of Plataea (Plut. De malign. 872D–E). Though several places in Greece bore the name Ephyra (Strab. 8, 3, 5), a number of features in Simonides’ text allows us to identify Ephyra with Corinth, but the juxtaposition of two names of the same city needs to be explained. On the one hand, Ephyra could denote a territory adjacent to Corinth, but it is difficult to localize it; attempts were made to identify the historical Ephyra with one of the settlements of the Mycenaean period in the vicinity of Corinth (Korakou and Aetopetra). On the other hand, several sources mention the fact that Ephyra could be used as the ancient name for Corinth, and Aristarchus remarked that in Homer Corinth was called Ephyra in the characters’ speeches (i. e. by Glaucus); to be sure, in literary texts, and especially in poetry, the toponyms Ephyra and Corinth are virtually interchangeable. It thus seems probable that Simonides mentioned Ephyra as the ancient name of Corinth, implying by the use of this toponym, as well as by the mentioning of Glaucus, that the Corinthians who fought at Plataea were equal in prowess to the Homeric heroes

Scopo di questo articolo è gettare luce sul testo di alcuni passi di De beneficiis, De clementia, Apolocyntosis, Dialogi di Seneca e della commedia anonima Querolus sive Aulularia. Una nuova edizione di De beneficiis, De clementia e Apolocyntosis per la Scriptorum classicorum bibliotheca Oxoniensis verrà a breve pubblicata da R. Kaster e io ho avuto occasione di leggerne una prima bozza. In questo articolo io discuto circa 70 passi di Seneca e 5 del Querolus: per la maggior parte di essi io propongo nuove congetture (la mia conoscenza delle lezioni dei manoscritti è basata sulle edizione esistenti, inclusa quella di Kaster). Per esempio: De ben. 2, 28, 3 al posto di fert si legga fer<a>t; De ben. 5, 4, 2 si aggiunga itaque <bonus>; De ben. 6, 3, 1 si legga <ni>si cito; De ben. 6, 37, 2 non est… pudet deve essere espunto; De ben. 7, 2, 6 al posto di prorsus si legga pronus; De clem. 2, 7, 2 si aggiunga eius <levius>; Apocol. 4, 3 si aggiunga <solito> sonum; De ira 3, 28, 3 al posto di dolor si legga dolus; De ira 3, 13, 7 al posto di tota si legga tuta; Consol. ad Helviam matrem 10, 3 al posto di potest si legga potitur; Querolus sive Aulularia 26 si legga fall<er>is

The present article aims to elucidate an interesting narrative that forms a portion of Aelian’s paradoxographic work Περὶ ζῴων ἰδιότητος (On the Characteristics of Animals, Lat. De natura animalium). The passage under discussion describes some horned animals of oriental origin that were involved in the annual fighting contests during a one-day competition held on the initiative of a “great king of India” — probably Chandragupta (4th–3rd c. BC), the founder of the Maurya dynasty. Aelian’s chapter (NA 15, 15) was perhaps taken from Megasthenes’s Ἰνδικά (Description of India). The passage includes two hapax legomena referring to two species of animals: †μέσοι† and †ὕαιναι†. The first of these should be identified with the Ladakh urial (Ovis orientalis vignei Blyth); cf. Prasun məṣé ‘ram, urial’ (< Vedic mēṣá- m. ‘ram’). Aelian’s exact description of the horned animals called †ὕαιναι† clearly demonstrates that the alleged “striped hyena” (Gk. ὕαινα) must represent the chinkara, i. e., the Indian gazelle (Gazella bennettii Sykes). The Indo-Aryan term for ‘chinkara’ (Ved. hariṇá- m ‘Indian gazelle’, hariṇī́- f. ‘female gazelle’; cf. Pa. and Pk. hariṇa- m., hariṇī- f.) suggests that the corrupted form in Aelian’s passage should be emended as ὑάριναι [hyárinai]. This seems a near-optimal adaptation of the Pali or Prakrit appellative háriṇā pl. ‘chinkaras’

The piece deals with the interpretation of Prop. 2. 8. 21–24. These verses seem to be problematic and illogical over the years. In the poem, the speaker, deserted by his beloved Cynthia, imagines himself dead and then describes the heroine’s reaction to this disastrous event. Propertius thinks that she will be happy about his death and defile his grave. Then he suddenly turns to Haemon, who commits suicide in despair of the Antigone’s death, and after that threatens Cynthia to kill her. Firstly, it is incorrect to compare the righteous Antigone with the unfaithful Cynthia. Secondly, the decision to kill the beloved is inept. Some scholars transpose the verses in order to avoid the incoherence. Others try to interpret the passage, leaving the lines in their initial order, but they usually think that Propertius compares himself with Haemon and Cynthia with Antigone. The author of the article reconsiders gender roles in this comparison and suggests a new interpretation. There are also some examples from the Catullan and Propertian poetry, which show that the gender-inverted comparisons are widely used in ancient literature and especially in Roman love poetry of the 1st century B. C., in which they, probably, are part of a new literary strategy.

A citharodic performance typically included a προοίμιον that preceded a νόμος. Theoretically, there are three possible options: a prooimion (1) was an inseparable introduction to a specific main part; (2) was not performed independently, but could precede various main parts; (3) was an independent piece. Most evidence points to option 2. Standard circumstances of performance must have stereotyped the subject matter that appeared in the introduction, so the proem became an autonomous song that could precede any narrative part, and even be performed independently (if there were no agonistic connotations and transitional formulas). Pseudo-Plutarch’s notions of ancient citharody (De mus. 1132В–С; 1132D; 1133B–C) are interpreted as follows: a proem addressed to the gods was a citharode’s own composition (hence ὡς βούλονται, despite its formal character and epic metre). It was immediately followed by a nome, whose epic narration could be either original or taken from Homer and other poets and set to music according to one of melodic patterns systemized by Terpander. Terpander’s proems likely offered two proofs of this theory: they ended with a formula of transition to another song, which itself did not follow. Apparently, the option to use someone else’s poetry in the main body led to the practice of writing down the proems without the subsequent nomes, so that they were seen as independent works. It is likely that Pseudo-Plutarch’s source was referring to minor Homeric hymns, since they correspond perfectly with the information that we have about citharodic proems

The Methodist school was a significant force in the field of medicine in ancient times. One of the core beliefs of this school was that theoretical explanations of diseases and the knowledge of the anatomical structure of the body are speculative and worthless for medical practice. The regular deviation from these principles has been noted by historians of medicine (Van der Eijk, Lloyd, Hanson et al.). However, the reasons why they violate these principles and the circumstances in which they do so are still unclear. This article attempts to explain the motivation of Methodists, specifically Caelius Aurelianus, for using anatomical knowledge and identifying hidden causes of diseases. I will focus on Aurelianus’ mention of meninx and its connection to mental diseases, which clearly conflicts with the fundamental principles of Methodism. The article will examine the views of Methodists themselves on meninx as well as the theories of physicians such as Erasistratus and Asclepiades, whose ideas, as will be shown, influenced the formation of the Methodist doctrine. As the theoretical foundations of methodism were still being laid, the views on the anatomy and physiology of internal organs were already being applied in practice. Although many of these inherited notions have been eliminated, some have become firmly entrenched in medical practice, which often explains the inconsistency of the Methodists.

The purpose of this study is to consider the phenomenon of ‘capital flight’ as a threat to the economic security of the country. This goal is achieved using general scientific methods, including analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, abstraction, systematisation, and comparison. The study highlights the differences between the concepts of ‘capital outflow’ and ‘capital flight’, assesses the scale of capital flight and outflow, analyses the causes of these phenomena, and explicates the goals of capital flight. One of the causes of capital flight, namely tax evasion, is specified. The findings underscore the main directions of the impact of capital flight on the economic security of the country, and key measures to combat capital flight are proposed.

This work focuses on calligrapher Takayasu Rōoku (years of life are unknown), who lived and worked in Osaka in the second half of the 18 th century. The life and work of Takayasu Rōoku deserve attention because it was him who complied one of the most popular encyclopedias of his time, Tokai Setsuyō Hyakkatsū (Complete Compendium of Urban Knowledge, Osaka, 1801), which went through several editions during the 19 th century and affected the worldview of city dwellers of that time. Based on the evidence from contemporaries and the analysis of books on which Rōoku worked, this work describes his social circle, interests, lifestyle, and his main areas of work