В статье исследуются восточнославянские (русские и украинские) переводы фрагментов из поэм Гомера, входивших в исторические и политические сочинения М. Стрыйковского, А. Ф. Моджевского, Юста Липсия и др., переводившихся в Киеве, Москве и Санкт-Петербурге с начала XVII до середины XVIII вв. Особый интерес представляют переводы, выполнявшиеся в той или иной стихотворной форме. Выбор переводчиками именно стихотворной формы для перевода позволяет лучше понять пути адаптации русской культурой относительно новой для нее стихотворной формы. Тщательное изучение контекста появления стихотворных переводов из Гомера в составе обширных прозаических трудов позволяет увидеть мотивы, руководившие переводчиками (Гомер предстает автором древнейших свидетельств по истории славян; учителем политической риторики, моделью интеллектуала в конструируемых отношениях интеллектуала и государства). Восточнославянские культуры имели опыт стихотворной передачи текстов Гомера и филологического интереса к ним (во всяком случае — интереса, требующего обращения к альтернативным изданиям и греческому тексту) задолго до того, как фрагментарный стихотворный перевод из Гомера, выполненный М. В. Ломоносовым, был в 1748 г. опубликован в Петербурге. Впервые публикуются стихотворные переводы из Гомера, содержащиеся в московском переводе Хроники Мацея Стрыйковского (1660-1670-е) и «Увещаниях и прикладах политических» (Monita et exempla politica) Юста Липсия, переведенных в Киеве, Петербурге и Москве в 1712-1722 гг. Публикация текста сопровождается существенными уточнениями истории текста памятников.
The goal of the article is to review Dariusz R. Piwowarczyk’s recent works (2016; 2017; 2017 [bis]; 2019) on the origin of the Latin fifth declension, as well as to demonstrate the correctness of the dual explanation (Witczak 2015) not discussed or even mentioned by Piwowarczyk. The author is convinced that Latin, like other Indo-European languages, once had a separate dual number which disappeared in the pre-literary period. The loss of the dual number disturbed the declension system existing at the time and caused the need for the creation of a new declension class (the fifth declension). The laryngeal phoneme *h1 formed the basic dual ending in the Indo-European languages. Proto-Indo-European animate nouns of consonant stems created a strong form in the dual number, demonstrating the ending *-eh1 (hence IE. *-ē and Latin *-ē-), whereas inanimate nouns had a weak form (PIE. *-ih1, hence Lat. -ī in vīgintī ‘twenty’ and the oblique stem *-iē-, attested in Lat. aciēs, māteriēs etc.). Proto-Latin dual forms ending in *-ē (< PIE. *-eh1) referring to animate nouns, as well as dual forms ending in *-ī (< PIE. *-ih1) referring to inanimate nouns, underwent the process of collectivization and singularization: most of them gained the status of typical singularia tantum and then formed a separate class of nouns which had -ē- as the common feature. It is finally suggested that a large group of originally dual nouns (especially the so- called dualia tantum) formed the Latin fifth declension
Im Folgenden werden die Satzlehre-Bände der „Ausführlichen Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache“ von Raphael Kühner, die 1878/79 zuerst erschien und in ihrer Bearbeitung durch Carl Stegmann 1914 bis heute eine verbreitete Lateingrammatik ist, mit der neu erschienenen „Oxford Latin Syntax“ von Harm Pinkster in der Konzeption verglichen. Zwischen beiden Satzlehren aus sehr unterschiedlichen Zeiten und sprachwissenschaftlichen Kontexten gibt es natürlich deutliche Unterschiede: zunächst die andere Gesamtkonzeption, ferner die Art des Korpus, den Satzbegriff, die Stellung der Kasussyntax, nicht zuletzt die Behandlung infiniter Konstruktionen und schließlich den Geltungsbereich der Syntax. Von diesen Unterschieden abgesehen finden sich aber auch einige Gemeinsamkeiten: zunächst eine korpusbasierte Form, wonach beide Satzlehren ihre Ausführungen auf zahlreiche sprachliche Belege stützen. Zweitens steht die Einzelsprache des Lateinischen im Vordergrund und es bleibt wenig Raum für sprachliche Vergleiche. Drittens sind beide Satzlehren rein deskriptiv, was im Falle des Kühner-Stegmanns das Gegenteil zu normativ, im Falle der OLS aber zu formallinguistisch oder theorielastig bedeutet im Sinne formaler Ansätze der neueren Linguistik, womit etwa die verschiedenen Movement-Regeln der generativen Theorie gemeint sind. Ein wichtiges Ergebnis lautet, dass beide syntaktischen Ansätze legitim sind und beide mit wachem Methodenbewusstsein weiter gebraucht werden sollten, um Probleme der lateinischen Syntax zu lösen
The aim of this article is to reopen the investigation of the ablative absolute in Latin and to analyse this construction and its use from one angle, namely, the coreferentiality rules. The examples for analysis have been taken from the Gallic Wars. As has been noticed before, in several works, the use of the absolute construction in texts written by classical authors, such as Caesar or Cicero, allows us to formulate a rule concerning its coreferentiality. As far as the syntactical coreferentiality is concerned, the classical rule requires an absolute construction to be — unsurprisingly — absolute, i. e., non-coreferential. This rule seems to be increasingly ignored by later authors. However, a deeper analysis taking into account not only syntactical but also semantical coreferentiality shows that the absoluteness of the construction is not so absolute after all, even in classical Latin. The examples of such use of the ablativus absolutus may be seen as forerunners of the change that occurred between classical and late Latin. The author proposes a hypothesis that an independent but similar development of the use of absolute constructions in different languages may suggest that there is a kind of interlinguistic tendency to substitute nominal phrases for subordinate clauses, especially in spoken language
The article addresses the pragmatic and sociolinguistic constraints of interrupting in Roman comedy. It starts with a redefinition of the phenomenon informed by the methods of Conversation Analysis (CA): apart from syntactically incomplete utterances (as a result of interruptions by others), the analysis also includes the cases of interruptions reported by the characters. Furthermore, a distinction is made between intrusive (disaligning) interventions and other forms of competitive turn encroachments. The term ‘interruptions’, however, has been reserved only for the former, antagonistic type which serves to express disagreement and disinterest or to usurp the speaking turn. Using the revised criteria, the article proceeds to comment on quantitative data extracted from all the extant plays by Plautus and Terence. Accordingly, interruptions are viewed in relation to gender, age and status of the speakers, whereas some more detailed analysis concerns male and female citizens, prostitutes and servants. After comparing every character’s share of talk with their proportional use of turn incursions (both collaborative and disruptive), it is argued that the violation of the turn-exchange system is significantly associated with some interlocutors and less so with others. The last section presents interrupting as a pragmatic means of exerting power in interaction while discussing the phenomenon also from a (sociolinguistic) cross-gender perspective
The present article offers a reassessment of Hom. ἄφρων [adj.] ‘unreasonable, senseless, foolish’, which is traditionally accounted for as an ablauting compound (of the type πατήρ: ἀπά- τωρ) based on the simplex φρένες [f. pl. tant.] ‘midriff, diaphragm’ (+Il.). This archaic ablauting pattern (viz. °φρων vs. simplex φρήν*) is totally unparalleled for body parts; besides, the Ancients’ interpretation of φρένες as ‘diaphragm’ is flawed. Φρονέω ‘to have (good) understanding or intelligence’ is a back-formation coined after ἀφρονέω ‘to act senselessly, to be foolish’. From zero-graded ἀφραίνω (via a synchronic reanalysis of -αίνω as a deverbative suffix of the type °φαίνω), an adverb *ἀφρα-δόν ‘senselessly, foolishly’ was eventually coined, which was the starting point of a whole new group. From this group was reanalyzed a “new” synchronic root √φραδ- ‘to heed, to consider’, reflected by Hom. φράζω. The lack of comparative evidence for this sprawling word family leads the author to assume that Hom. ἄφρων [adj.] ‘senseless, fool, heedless’ is in fact the reflex of a PIE etymon *ń̥ -gʷʱr(h1)-on- ‘without sense of smell, not able of scenting’, from PIE *gʷʱreh 1- ‘to smell’ (cf. Ved. jí-ghr-a- < *gʷʱí-gʷʱr(h 1)-V-). This verbal compound of the type νήφων [*-on-adj.] ‘sober’ (< PIE *ń̥-h 1gʷʱ-on- ‘not having drunk’) would have been eventually reanalyzed as a privative bahuvrīhi (viz. ‘lacking φρένες’).
This article examines the Greek noun σαγγάνδης ‘messenger’ which is attested in two lexica, dated to the Roman or early Byzantine periods: the Cambridge Rhetorical Lexicon by an anonymous author and Difficult Words in the Attic Orators by Claudius Casilo. In both works, σαγγάνδης appears together with three words of likely Iranian provenance: ὀροσάγγης ‘benefactor of the Persian king; bodyguard’, παρασάγγης ‘parasang; messenger’ and ἄγγαρος ‘messenger, courier; workman, labourer’. The word σαγγάνδης is analysed in comparison with ἀσγάνδης/ἀστάνδης ‘messenger’ occurring for the first time in Plutarch’s works and closely linked to the Achaemenid administration. According to the hypothesis put forward in the present paper, both σαγγάνδης and ἀσγάνδης (with its secondary variant ἀστάνδης) are connected to Manichaean Middle Persian/Parthian ižgand ‘messenger’, Sogdian (a)žγand/(ɔ) žγand/ž(i)γant ‘id.’, Jewish Aramaic ʾîzgaddā ‘id.’, Syriac izgandā/izgaddā ‘id.’, Mandaic ašganda ‘helper, assistant, servant; the Messenger’, and go back to Old Persian *zganda- or to early Middle Persian/early Parthian *žgand- (or *zgand-) with the original meaning ‘mounted messenger’. The reconstructed noun is derived from the Proto-Iranian root *zga(n)d- ‘to go on, gallop, mount’, attested in Avestan (Younger Avestan zgaδ(/θ)- ‘to go on horseback, gallop’) and in some Middle and Modern Iranian languages. The original form of the loanword in Greek was probably *σγάνδης which then underwent certain transformations
There has been much controversy regarding the date, the performative context, and the generic quality of fragment 926 PMG, which has been preserved on papyrus (P. Oxy. 9 + P. Oxy 2687) in a rhythmical treatise by an unknown author. The verse fragments on this papyrus were composed in iambic dactyls (∪ — ∪ –) and used as examples of the occurrence of syncope in various lyric meters. Fragments 926(a) and (g) PMG are from a composition performed by a maiden chorus which bear similarities to Alcman’s partheneia and have affinities with archaic epic and lyric poetry. Supposedly, these fragments might have been fragments of partheneia composed in the time of the New Music. Nonetheless, they are not shaped according to the bulk of the aesthetic values and the compositional rules of the New Music. These fragments seem to belong to cultic songs created for maiden choruses, possibly, to honor Dionysus. The alternative is that they imitate such songs within a dramatic context. We may assume that these quasi-dithyrambic partheneia were composed to serve religious needs or at least imitated cultic songs. They looked backward to the archaic and early classical tradition of partheneia, and their existence is an indication that, in the days of the New Music, there was a poetic tradition upheld by “reactionary” poets
Im folgenden Beitrag sollen Ciceros Nachrichten zu den römischen Schülern des griechischen Philosophen Panaitios (2. Jh. v. Chr.) mit Philodems Tradition, die uns durch seine Stoicorum Historia zugänglich ist, verglichen werden. Während Cicero in mehreren Zeugnissen prominente römische Politiker des zweiten Jhs. v. Chr. — unter anderem P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus — mit Panaitios in Verbindung bringt, bezeugt Philodem lediglich das Studium der beiden Samniten Marcius sowie Nysius und des Römers Piso — alle drei waren politisch wohl unbedeutend — bei Panaitios. Dies lässt sich durch die unterschiedlichen Zielgruppen der beiden Autoren erklären: Ciceros Leser waren in erster Linie die römischen nobiles, die sich (gelegentlich) mit der Philosophie beschäftigten, Philodem wiederum wendete sich an die Angehörigen eines Griechisch lesenden Fachpublikums. Die Tatsache, dass sich die, Listen‘ der Schüler bei den beiden Autoren nicht decken, ist somit kein Grund, ihre Historizität abzustreiten. Angemessener scheint es, neben den von Cicero genannten Politikern, die mit Panaitios befreundet waren, die Existenz italischer und römischer (Berufs-)Philosophen zu akzeptieren.
It is a well-known fact that tmesis (independent use of the preverb from its verb) as a linguistic phenomenon was progressively eliminated from Ancient Greek, so that only residual usage is attested in the language of the Classical age. However, one verb, ἀναδραμεῖν, retained tmetic usage with the particle τε intervening between the preverb and the verb, ἀνά τε ἔδραμε, until late Antiquity (Appian, Eunapius). It is significant that this construction (on par with the non tmetic form ἀνέδραμε) was used in prose, which suggests that it was part of actual linguistic usus. The article examines the reasons behind the unique longevity of this tmesis. Following an overview of the occurrences of ἀνά τε ἔδραμεν in Herodotus, Appian and Eunapius, and the comparison of the use of the tmetic and non tmetic forms, the elements of the construction are discussed. It is shown that the survival of ἀνά τε ἔδραμεν must have been influenced by the semantic development of the verb (the root no longer denotes actual running, but springing to one’s feet or rapid growth), as well as the capacity of the preverb ἀνα- to appear independently of its verb (the deontic ἄνα). Finally, a possible shift in meaning of τε (as invariable part of the expression) is discussed. While it is impossible to pinpoint one single factor that determined the singular longevity of the tmesis ἀνά τε ἔδραμε in Greek, a combination of factors seems to have contributed to its survival
This piece is a fresh take on the crux philologorum in Sappho fr. 96,8, an extended moon simile, where Aeolic σελάννα, a commonplace of Sapphic poetry, easily restituted ex coniectura by W. Schubart in his editio princeps of PBerol. 9722 in 1902, was ousted by an unmetrical, if poetic, μήνα. The author offers an overview of the past and most recent scholarly effort along with an attempt (albeit a speculative one) to approach the issue of the irrational ratio corruptelae from the part of the resonant adjective βροδοδάκτυλος, an altogether uncommon epithet of the moon, paying close attention to the fact that the intruding word is disyllabic. The dactylic feel of the weighty adjective βροδοδάκτυλος is deemed at some point to have prevailed in a scribe’s dictation interne to the result that ἠώς could have landed in the text proper, or could have found its way there gradually from an intrusive marginal gloss left by a learned scribe unable to keep the Homeric clausula ῥοδοδάκτυλος ἠώς to himself. At some point another, no less learned scribe, attentive to the context of the simile, picked up μήνα, not σελήνη, as his remedy of choice, sticking to the number of syllables in the now resident ἠώς
Modern Greek identity is heavily based on the idea of the continuity of Greek culture and the Greek language. Most specialists in Modern Greek regard Ancient Greek and Modern Greek as different stages of the same language despite multiple differences and innovations at all levels. During the 19 th century, a number of European classical philologists tried to find Ancient Greek features in Modern Greek dialects. As a result, they have singled out Tsakonian as the sole dialect which descends directly from Ancient Doric Laconian but not from Hellenistic Koiné as the rest of the modern dialects. Nevertheless, it is important to point out that Tsakonian is not the only Modern Greek variety with some unique peculiarities inherited from Ancient Greek. This contribution analyzes the phenomena of the Ancient Greek origin in vocabulary, phonetics, morphology and syntax in Modern Greek dialects. The research is focused on those archaisms which exist in the dialects but are absent from Standard Modern Greek. The data was mostly collected by the author of this paper and his colleagues between 2000 and 2023. The analysis demonstrates that the majority of unique peculiarities of the Ancient Greek origin are found in Pontic and Tsakonian, although most varieties of Modern Greek have some archaisms. However, the quantity of archaisms is not a consistent indicator of the antiquity of the dialect since the history of Modern Greek dialects is still terra incognita and there is no good explanation why some dialects keep their archaisms better than the others.