Denmark is one of the most attractive European countries for immigrants due to its high level of socio-economic and political development. However, an increase in the migration burden has led to a tightening of the country’s migration legislation, aimed primarily at limiting the flow of migrants from non-Western countries, preventing segregation, and ensuring the successful integration of migrants into the host society. This study aims to analyse the distribution of immigrants and their descendants in Denmark, focusing on migrants from African countries (Somalia, Morocco, Egypt, Ghana, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Eritrea) between 2010 and 2023. The authors examine legislative changes in Danish migration policy and analyse data from the Danish Statistical Office regarding migration trends and the geographic distribution of both the native population and individuals of foreign origin across second-level administrative units (communes). The research methodology employs the Herfindahl–Hirschman index to assess the degree of territorial concentration of people of African descent, alongside the Ryabtsev index to measure the similarity between the settlement patterns of migrants and their descendants from Africa and those of Denmark’s indigenous population. The results indicate a decrease in the territorial concentration of the African population in Denmark, as well as a convergence between the settlement patterns of African migrants and Danish-origin residents. However, the intensity of these processes varies significantly based on immigrants’ status, duration of residence in Denmark, and the size of specific African diasporas. Despite the observed deconcentration and increased settlement integration, the African population, particularly individuals of Somali and Moroccan descent, continues to exhibit high levels of territorial exclusion and segregation. Their settlement patterns are often concentrated in ‘vulnerable residential areas’, which still reflect significant socio- spatial disparities
The modern understanding of representative democracy includes not only the rule of the majority, but also the protection of the rights of minorities. One such minority is indigenous peoples, including the Sámi population that lives in four European countries, namely in the northern territories of Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Russia. In these countries, the Sámi, as a minority, find it difficult to achieve an adequate level of representation in traditional political structures that are responsible for articulating interests (parties, parliaments), therefore special mechanisms were found that allowed this indigenous people to participate in political decision-making processes more actively. The purpose of the article is to study the evolution and features of the political representation of the Sámi in Norway, Sweden, and Finland. The choice of countries is dictated by the cross-border nature of the Sámi settlement and the practice of diffusion of institutions of political representation. The methodology is based on neo-institutionalism and constructivism theories. It is concluded that after World War II, global transformations of the institutional environment took place in developed countries, and they were expressed in the rejection of the racial paradigm, the establishment of the supremacy of democracy and human rights. In the countries of Northern Europe at the end of the XX — beginning of the XXI centuries, the concept of “Arctic identity” was formed instead of identity through the construct of the “Nordic race”, which was characteristic of the first half of the XX century. At the center of it is the concept of indigeneity. From the beginning of the XX century, the Sámi that were subjected to forced assimilation in all three countries (discriminatory policies of “swedification”, “norwegianization” and “finnization”) and that were forced to fight for their rights with minimal chances of winning over the dominant discourse of racial inferiority, became beneficiaries of the changes, received special status, collective rights, and opportunities for political representation in modern conditions. However, several problems and discriminatory practices against the Sámi remain relevant and require solutions at the level of public policy.